Islamist sect, Boko Haram has said it will let go of over 200 girls
kidnapped in Chibok, Borno state only if the Federal Government agrees
to swap the kidnapped school girls with some of its members in
detention.
The names submitted for the swap are said to contain mainly the sect’s middle commanders which includes:
1. Mustapha Umar
2. Baba Alhaji
3 Baba Gana Mongunu
4. Malam Bashir Kachallah
5. Malam Baraa
6. Malam Baba Gana
7. Malam Baba Mala
8. Malam Abakar
9. Malam Ibrahim
10. Malam Awana
11. Malam Yarema
12. Malam Albani Jos
13. Malam Tuja.
Sources
close to the negotiation said there are three other insurgents whose
names were communicated through telephone calls, during later
discussions, directly to representatives of the International Federation
of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, who facilitated the talks.
Two names were initially sent but shortly afterwards, one more was called in making a total of 16.
As
we reported Thursday, after weeks of tough negotiations, the government
and Boko Haram sides finally accepted to what famously came to be
dubbed the “prisoner swap” of the Chibok girls with some commanders of
the Boko Haram fighting forces.
Insiders to the talk said the
insurgents were “initially modest in their demands, asking for just 10
of their field captains who appear to have a holding grip on the
imagination of the fighting forces.” At this time, this was against the
whole abducted girls.
While the security forces were combing
detention centres, shopping for the 10 detainees, our sources say
something strange happened, suggesting internal struggles in the camp of
the insurgency forces.
Sources understand the “happening” to be a
factional disagreement on the ethnic composition of the 10 names tabled
for the swap. “”they were all of Kanuri nationality and it appeared the
Hausa/Fulani faction protested this.”
The result of this
disagreement was about one week delay in the negotiations after which a
“new list of 15 was tabled, and then it was increased to 16″.
The
ICRC was then working with security forces to identify the names on the
list. In this period, it wasn’t clear if security forces had all the
names in demand, a situation that triggered a new frustration in the
talks, according to our sources. Were they never captured or were they
killed in battle or extra-judicially?
Our sources said some of those
identified insisted that although they were being held by Nigerian
security forces based on allegations of being Boko Haram members, they
were not terrorists or members of the sect and would never agree to a
release based on prisoner swap arrangement with the deadly group.
This
development, according to one of our sources, led discussions along a
frozen path. “We almost lost 10 days again to this but after a meeting
at the Kuje prisons, near Abuja, where Mustapha Umar, one of the
commanders on the list was held, the government team saw a new ray of
hope”.
However, distrust was now building and the team of two Boko
Haram negotiators switched the terms of demand from 16 sect commanders
for all the girls, to only 30 girls.
But Mr. Clark, according to our
sources, told them there was no realism in their demands and that if
they so cherished their compatriots, the smartest deal for them was to
release all the girls. At any rate,
Mr. Clark reportedly argued that
such a deal would put President Jonathan at the butt of a new wave of
criticism and provide fodder for the opposition. So this was not
acceptable, he reportedly insisted.
“Swap is not our idea but the
idea of the government,” the Boko Haram negotiators initially argued,
trying to insist on the high road, but they later deferred to the age of
Mr. Clark, according to our sources.
At this point also, the ICRC
team clarified the terms of their engagement, insisting that before the
swaps, they would need clear commitments from the abducted girls and the
detained fighters.
“Prisoners and the girls must offer consent before
the deal can be closed,” ICRC insisted. To get the consent of the girls
the ICRC said they were prepared to risk going into the enclave of the
insurgency.
The Boko Haram negotiators reportedly said they were
comfortable with this, and that it will also help “dispel the claims
that the girls were being maltreated or that they have been forced into
marriage which will shock many people when the girls return.”
With
the Abuja negotiations sealed, Yola, the Adamawa state capital, was
agreed as the point of swap. Government negotiators favoured a discreet
arrangement where they would sneak into Yola, the Red Cross would take
custody of the girls, and in turn yield the Boko Haram detainees to them
and conclude the swap.
The management of the Yola episode, according
to our sources, put paid to the whole arrangement. The government, in
an exuberant show of enthusiasm chartered a Boeing 737 jet to convey the
girls to Abuja from Yola. What was thought to be a discreet arrangement
turned into a fantasia and loud orchestra show. Moreover, “when we
arrived Yola, half of the airport was covered with security forces”
noted one of the insiders to the deal.
“Then they moved negotiators
to the presidential lounge for a two-hour wait…then 48 hours in the
hotel…but Yola had been infiltrated by these people and the security
presence sent a wrong signal…clearly these people didn’t trust the
arrangement and they never showed up”.
Apart from Mr. Clark, others
who participated in the negotiation were two notable Nigerian civil
rights leaders, Fred Eno, and Shehu Sani, Maiduguri-based lawyer,
Mustapha Zanna, and PDP chieftain, Kaka Bolori, along with three top
officials of the International Red Cross headquarters office in Geneva
which served as the “interface” negotiators, and two field captains of
the Boko Haram sect.
When contacted Wednesday, some of the principal
actors in the collapsed negotiation declined to provide details, saying
it’s still premature to divulge “sensitive details”.
“The whole thing
is unfortunate, but hopefully we can revive the negotiations,” one of
the negotiators, Fred Eno, told us. “The president desperately wanted
the girls released, but politics of positioning stood in the way of
progress”.
The President of the Kaduna-based Civil Rights Congress,
Shehu Sani, insisted he was not comfortable discussing the matter at
this time, suggesting that it was irrelevant talking about what worked
and what didn’t work at least until the girls are rescued.
Mr. Clark
did not answer or return calls made to his telephone on Thursday
morning. He also did not respond to a text message sent to him.
Benoit
Matsha-Carpentier, the Senior Media Officer for the International
Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, was also unavailable
Thursday morning. He is yet to return calls made to him.
Spokespersons
for the Nigerian presidency were also unavailable to provide insight
regarding why the administration acted the way it did in the final
minutes of the negotiation. Reuben Abati, the Special Adviser to the
President on Media and Publicity, as well as Doyin Okupe, the senior
special assistant on Public Affairs, didn’t answer or return calls
Thursday morning.
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